Previous experimental research on the non-native (L2) acquisition of word order has predominantly focused on learners' ability to distinguish grammatical from ungrammatical structures. Few studies have investigated the acquisition of permissible structural variation [e.g. 1,2]. Here we use an experimental approach to examine the word-order preferences of advanced L2 learners of German across different modalities, and the extent to which these are affected by participants' native language (L1) background (Dutch vs. Russian).
German exhibits substantial variability regarding the linearisation of infinitival complements. They can be extraposed to the right of the matrix verb (1), intraposed to its left (2), or realised discontinuously as in (3) (the 'third construction' pattern) [3].
(1) EXTRAPOSITION: …dass Fred versucht [den Hund zu streicheln]
(2) INTRAPOSITION: …dass Fred [den Hund zu streicheln] versucht
(3) THIRD CONSTRUCTION: …dass Fred [den Hund] versucht [zu streicheln]
'…that Fred tries to pet the dog'
Raising verbs (e.g. scheinen 'seem') normally require intraposed infinitives while control verbs (e.g. versuchen 'try') allow for more word-order variability, with extraposition being the preferred structural variant and third constructions rarely attested [4]. In Dutch, infinitival complements of control verbs may either be extraposed or linearised in a third construction pattern, whilst only the latter option is normally available for raising verbs. Russian differs from German and Dutch in that all infinitive-embedding verbs predominantly occur with extraposed infinitival complements.
Experiment 1 was a written production task examining the linearisation choices of L1 Russian (n=46) and Dutch-speaking (n=20) advanced (C1/C2) late learners of German and L1 German controls (n=46), and Experiment 2 was a scalar
acceptability judgement task carried out with comparable groups of L2 speakers (Russian: n=34; Dutch: n=28). Our results revealed between-group differences indicative of L1 effects. In Experiment 1, although intraposition was the preferred choice for raising verbs, Russian speakers produced significantly more extraposed infinitives for raising verbs than L1 German speakers did, and Dutch speakers produced reliably more third constructions compared to the other participant groups. For control verbs, all participant groups preferred extraposition over other structural variants, with no statistical group differences. L1 effects were stronger in Experiment 2, where Russian speakers rated extraposition most favourably for raising verbs, whereas Dutch speakers favoured third constructions. For control verbs, Dutch speakers rated third constructions significantly more favourably relative to Russian speakers.
Our results confirm and extend earlier findings of even advanced learners showing reduced sensitivity to distributional constraints on L2 syntactic variation [2] and of L1 effects on learners' word-order choices [1]. The observed task differences suggest that L1 distributional constraints affect L2 metalinguistic judgements more strongly than production. The implications of our findings for approaches to L1 transfer will be discussed.
References
[1] Gries, S. Th., & Wulff, S. (2013). International Journal of Corpus Linguistics 18, 327–356.
[2] Jäschke, K., & Plag, I. (2016). Studies in Second Language Acquisition 38, 485–521.
[3] Haider, H. (2010). The syntax of German. CUP.
[4] Bosch, S. et al. (to appear). Journal of Comparative Germanic Linguistics.